Της Πανηπειρωτικης Ομοσπονδιας Αμερικης
Δημητριος Κουτουλας [Worcepirotiko@aol.com ]
Η κατασταση που επικρατει στη Χιμαρα εδω και πολλα χρονια, οι πιεσεις που ασκουνται στον Βορειοηπειρωτικο Ελληνισμο, η συστηματικη προσπαθεια συρρικνωσης και δημογραφικης αλλοιωσης, η καταπατηση των ανθρωπινων δικαιωματων, η βια και η νοθεια στις εκλογες, η προπαγανδα, οι συκοφαντιες, οι διωγμοι, οι δικαστικες διωξεις δεν μας αποσχολουν οσο θα επρεπε.
Η Αλβανια, μια χωρα που χτυπα την πορτα της Ευρωπης, δεν σεβεται τα ατομικα και ανθρωπινα δικαιωματα των Βορειοηπειρωτων, αν κε προκειται για διεθνως αναγνωρισμενη μειονοτιτα.Το αλβανικο κρατος καταπιεζει και απαξιωνει οσους διεκδικουν το δικαιωμα της ελληνικης καταγωγης τους. Προσπαθουν να αφελληνισουν την περιοχη με την αρπαγη των περιουσιων.
Tο κανουν στη Χιμαρα, στους Αγιους Σαραντα, στο Πωγωνι, παντου. Οπως υποστηριζουν ο δημαρχος Χιμαρας Βασιλης Μπολανος και η Ενωση Χιμαριωτων, οι Αλβανοι γνωριζουν πως χωρις τα σπιτια και τα κτηματα τους οι Ελληνες της Βορειου Ηπειρου κανουν την επαφη τους με την πατρογονικη εστια, αλλα και τα μεσα για να επιβιωσουν στην περιοχη. Ο σκοπος ειναι να υποχρεωθουν να εγκαταλειψουν τα χωματα τους. Γι’ αυτο και δεν εφαρμοζουν τις διεθνεις συνθηκες σε θεματα γλωσσας και εκπαιδευσης, αν και η καρδια του Ελληνισμου χτυπα εκει εδω και τρεις χιλιαδες χρονια.
Το προβλημα δεν ειναι καινουργιο, αλλα τωρα βρισκεται στην κορυφωση του. Στις 17 Ιουλιου, η Κεντρικη Επιτροπη Επιστροφης Περιουσιων κοινοποισε στο δημαρχο Χιμαρας την αποφαση να αποδοθουν 8,000 στρεμματα γης σε κατοικο Τιρανων, που χρησιμοποιηση πλαστα εγγραφα. Προκειται για περιοχη που ανηκει σε 150 διαφορετικες οικογενειες Ελληνων Χιμαριωτων.
Αυριο, στο κεντρο της Χιμαρας θα πραγματοποιηθει συγκεντρωση διαμαρτυριας κατα των παρανομων κατασχεσεων περιουσιων που ανηκουν στο Χιμαριωτικο Ελληνισμο. Η Ελλαδα εχει υποχρεωση να σταθει στο πλευρο των βασανισμενων τεκνων της και να διεκδικησει για λογαριασμο τους το σεβασμο των δικαιωματων τους. Η Αλβανια δεν κανει επενδυσεις στην περιοχη. Και εδω πρεπει να αναλαβει πρωτοβουλια η χωρα μας.
Οι Ελληνες της βορειου Ηπειρου αποτελουν αναποσπαστο τμημα του οικουμενικου Ελληνισμου. Εχουν εκπαιδευτικα, θρησκευτικα, πολτιστικα και πολιτικα δικαιωματα. Δεν επιτρεπεται να ζουν σε κλιμα ανασφαλειας και εκφοβισμου. Ουτε να δεσμευονται οι περιουσιες τους. Υπαρχει περιπτωση καταπατησης οικοπεδου Ελληνων, στο Κεπαρο της Χιμαρας, προκειμενου να ανεγερθει τζαμι και ο δημαρχος δινει καθημερινη μαχη για να σταματα τις εργασιες. Η Αλβανια δεν μπορει να γινει μελος της Ε.Ε. αν δεν λυθουν τα ζητηματα.
Δημητριος Κουτουλας
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Himara-a look from Albanian side
[Worcepirotiko@aol.com]
11 September 2008 Feud between ethnic Greek mayor and authorities is slowing idyllic coastline’s development and fomenting conflict between Tirana and Athens.
By Dardan Malaj in Tirana and Himara
After a four-hour drive south of the Albanian capital, Tirana, past the Llogara Mountain, the Albanian Riviera opens up in all its glory along the Ionian coast. The 50 kilometre-long coastal region, famous for its crystalline deep blue waters, steep hills and small bays, is adjunct to the Greek island of Corfu.
But although the area’s tourism potential is obvious, tensions over language, minority and property rights between the government and the ethnic Greek minority are slowing development.
The Greek community, headed by the mayor of the town of Himara, Vasil Bollano/ Vassilis Bollanos, have requested special status for the area and even threatened secession. Bollano has also resisted attempts by Albania’s booming construction industry to develop the coast around Himara, arguing that it could be counter-productive.
He added fuel to the fire by ordering the destruction in Himara of Albanian signs on the highway linking the port of Vlora with the southern town of Saranda because they were not also written in Greek. This has prompted prosecutors to open a case against the mayor for abuse of power and destruction of public property.
Tirana has also turned down his demands for special status, arguing that the size of the local Greek community is too small for the area to warrant it. At the same time, Tirana treads carefully with the mayor on account of its powerful neighbour to the south, which is an EU member. However, the government’s softly-softly approach has angered some Albanians who feel Tirana has been too soft on Bollano. They have been infuriated by his warnings that if the authorities make any moves against him, Albania’s EU aspirations will be compromised.
That Greece is host to Albania’s largest emigrant community in Europe, and that their remittances are a lifeline for its weak economy, especially in the south, is another factor in the equation. Although Athens broadly supports Albania's goal of eventual EU and NATO membership, it has shown it is ready to use the fate of the almost countless Albanian immigrants in Greece as a pawn when the going gets tough.
A question of numbers:
According to official statistics, only 3 per cent of the population of Albania are of Greek origin. However, the last census to include questions concerning people’s ethnic origins was made back in 1921, and the Greek community has argued that a new census is needed. Some claim ethnic Greeks in Albania could be as numerous as 12 per cent.
Vangjel Dule, head of Union for Human Rights Party, which represents the Greek minority, says a new census dealing with ethnicity is needed to clear the bad blood between the two communities.
“A new census should be carried out according to the Council of Europe standards, which gives the right to state identity, mother tongue and religious belief,” Dule said. “The goal … would be to identify minorities properly.”
Tirana views calls for a new census with misgivings, fearing many ethnic Albanians may register as Greeks for practical and financial reasons.
Officials note that that many Albanian emigrants in Greece have changed their nationality to obtain residency status, while Greece offers pensions to people in the south of Albania who identify as Greeks. In the 1990s, this led to large swaths of the population in southern Albania changing their names to Greek-sounding ones.
Though Dule’s party claims to represent minorities in general, Greeks dominate it and its power base is in southern Albania. Under Albanian law, ethnically denominated parties are illegal.
But while the Union for Human Rights is otherwise a moderate force, and has been part of several government coalitions, Bollano’s Omonia organisation is more hard line. Its recent demand for Greek to be designated Albania’s second official language has not been well received in Tirana.
Meanwhile, his removal of highway signs in Himara in December 2007 caused traffic chaos on a popular section of Albania’s coast. Days after the signs were taken down, locals further outraged public opinion by attacking the police station in Himara, calling for Albanians to get out of town.
“I don’t know where this man finds the force to threaten Albanians in their own country,” a Democratic Party deputy, Spartak Ngjela, complained in parliament. “How can we allow this man to humiliate Albanians in their own country and con us that he somehow has the backing of state more powerful than us?” Ngjela added.
However, the right-wing government of Prime Minister Sali Berisha has been careful not to make a martyr of the mayor and so compromise Albanian relations with Athens.
A big ‘no’ to development:
The feud between the Greek villagers and the government has, meanwhile, discomforted property developers who have found their schemes in the area thwarted.
After the communist regime of former dictator Enver Hoxha collapsed in 1991, Albania denationalised the property market. This also meant the redistribution of land confiscated earlier by the state to its previous owners.
Given the weakness of the Albanian weak state and high levels of corruption, the redistribution process was often chaotic and marred by irregularities.
Like most municipalities in Albania, Himara has also been marred by accusations of corruption over the land distribution process. But Pullumb Xhufi, a left-wing MP in parliament, charges that Bollano’s radical fringe have deliberately tried to isolate the area from development.
He says Bollano’s calls for autonomy and his support for the Greek nationalist theory that southern Albania is “Northern Epirus” that is, part of mainland Greece, has stalled the tourist industry on the coast. While Himara is one of the most sought-after tourist areas in Albania, problems over property rights have thwarted the development of capacities and limited the number of visitors.
Others say Tirana is to blame for neglecting the area. “The Albanian government should be more present in the area, especially in terms of the rule of law,” says Paskal Milo, head of the Social Democratic Party and a former foreign minister.
Balkan Insight repeatedly contacted Bollano concerning the complaints made against him but he declined to comment.
A fraught history:
The rows over Himara can only be understood in the wider context of the often fraught relations between Greece and Albania. Greek foreign policy in the early 1990s appeared to Albanians to be driven by an aspiration to make Greece the regional superpower.
Often, as far as Albanians were concerned, its overall approach was simply to impose terms on weaker neighbours such as Albania and Macedonia.
Another element complicating the relationship between Tirana and Athens was the question of Kosovo. Athens broadly sided with Serbia when it came to resisting Kosovo Albanian demands for independence.
In 1993, Albania deported a Greek cleric caught disseminating maps that showed southern Albania inside Greek borders. Athens responded by immediately expelling tens of thousands of illegal migrant workers.
Relations between Tirana and Athens hit rock bottom in April 1994 after a cross-border attack on a conscript training centre left two Albanian soldiers dead.
Tirana asked the UN Security Council to condemn Greece for “state terrorism”. Greece denied the attack and again responded by deporting thousands of migrants and vetoing EU aid to Albania.
As Albania descended into anarchy in 1997, after the collapse of a series of pyramid investment schemes, leaflets were widely distributed in the south, calling for the area’s unification with Greece. The then president, Sali Berisha, even accused the Greek secret services of fomenting the chaos that year, which Greece denied.
Relations may be calmer today, but if mayor Bollano is convicted of an offence, the old enmity could easily return. With Albania’s bid to join NATO coming to its final stage, and its EU aspirations growing, Tirana wonders nervously what reaction it can expect from its unpredictable neighbour.
Dardan Malaj is a reporter for the Albanian daily newspaper “Shqip”. Balkan Insight is BIRN’s online publication.
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